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Where do we go from here?

Posted by: Deepak Bhargava . Thursday, Jan 21, 2010

Community organizers and progressives have a critical role in shaping the understanding and response to what actually happened in MA. We must avoid a disastrous turn toward caution and incrementalism.


For progressives, the election result in Massachusetts on Tuesday night was both a serious blow and a potential opportunity for our agenda. Conservatives (those deeply committed to preserving the status quo) have managed to seize the mantle of change. Yet, the unique timing of this special election has given us a chance to turn the world left side up before more serious and enduring damage is done.

Many misinterpret the effects of recent events. Contrary to media hype, losing 60 votes in the Senate is not the main problem. Progressives never had 60 votes in the Senate to start with, and President Bush proved it is possible to do big things without a super-majority. The real and imminent risk is paralysis by fear. We must avoid a disastrous turn toward caution and incrementalism. Community organizers and progressives have a critical role in shaping the understanding and response to what actually happened.

In that regard, several things seem clear:

  1. The White House and Congress failed to reckon with the deep economic pain and suffering in the country. They never got on the right side of populism by taking on the banks from the get-go, or responding aggressively to the unemployment and foreclosure crisis. Rather, by shoveling billions of dollars to the richest institutions and people in the country they contributed to people’s understanding that government is captive to the most powerful interests in our country and painted themselves as the latest bums worthy of being thrown out of office.
  2. The Administration and Congress made grievous errors in how they handled the health care debate, and turned control of the narrative and timing of the issue over to its staunchest opponents. Letting the issue play out for months on end, letting Max Baucus drag things out in fraudulent and fruitless “bi-partisan” talks, cutting side deals with the industries who many Americans understand to be the problem (and who ended up opposing the bill anyway), and not defining the issue clearly and consistently were all serious errors of strategy that took a real toll. It was a business-as-usual approach unworthy of the change narrative upon which the President was elected.
  3. The President has demobilized his base in favor of a largely interest group approach to politics. This is perhaps the most mystifying mistake. With corporate interests setting the table and arcane rules in the Senate, change in Washington is too hard without a loud, insistent and sometimes raucous push. At the same time, the President’s failure to use the bully pulpit to create public understanding on some foundational questions, like the limits of markets and the role of government, left an ideology that should have been discredited in the wake of the financial crisis now resurgent.

For all these serious errors, it is too easy in this difficult moment to pile on. The President did not have to make sweeping health care reform his priority, and he insisted on it despite advice from many quarters to “go small.” A massive (though not big enough) stimulus package was enacted into law that was, among other things, the largest piece of anti-poverty legislation in generations. More importantly, there is plenty of blame to go around. This remains a closely divided country with powerful conservative tendencies, and it was crazy talk to think that we would achieve transformational change without fighting a massive movement of opposition. Many progressives suffer from the delusion that the only thing standing between us and transformational change is what the President does or doesn’t do. This view is a colossal mistake that lets all of us off the hook too easily.

So what is to be done now?

In the short run:

  1. We must, must, must pass health care reform and do so quickly. To squander the opportunity to extend health coverage to over 30 million people, a dream for progressives for most of the 20th century, would amount not merely to a tactical retreat; it would constitute a surrender of the soul. Tactically, the best way to do this is for the House to pass the Senate bill with clear assurances that necessary improvements would be accepted by the Senate in a subsequent reconciliation bill. This is technically possible, but it will take an enormous push from the outside and for Congress to overcome their fear and make it politically possible.
  2. Boldly attack the economic crisis our country faces. For months, many of us have been pushing for a bold response to the titanic crisis of unemployment. The plan must be of a scope and scale that could plausibly do something about the crisis our country faces. The worst thing of all would be to pass a tiny, symbolic bill crippled at birth by deficit hawks. This would rightly only feed cynicism. Better to fight for something big, bold and ambitious and lose if Republicans choose to obstruct and filibuster. We must make conservatives explain why they are against putting people to work. Moreover, we must not apologize for having this debate; we can and must explain the necessary role of government and the limits of markets. The fireside chats of our time are necessary to move and shift public understanding, and there is no better time to begin than with the State of the Union next Wednesday.
  3. Press forward with immigration reform. It may be counter-intuitive, but this may be the only issue with a realistic hope of bi-partisan support left on the table when the dust settles. The Democrats need to stand and deliver for a growing, energized constituency that delivered for them in 2008 or risk demoralization of the base headed into 2010. The Republicans need to do something to take the edge off the hate if they are to avoid consigning themselves to minority status for 100 years, and some of them, notably Senator Lindsey Graham, seem to really get that.

Beginning now, and for the long haul, progressives need to recommit to movement building and organizing at scale as the only path to transformative change. The great changes in American history – the abolition of slavery, suffrage for women, the New Deal, civil rights and Great Society – were not the product of electoral shifts alone or insider influence peddling. They were the result of millions of people acting and taking history into their own hands. Many community organizations have risen to the challenge of this time by bringing people into action, most notably saving health care reform time and time again by out gunning the teabaggers at town hall meetings, mobilizing against insurance companies and holding swing members of Congress accountable. The modern day immigrant rights movement has put and kept a very hard and controversial issue on the national table by putting millions of people on the streets in the tradition of earlier social movements.

But the larger progressive movement has tended to neglect organizing in favor of two approaches with contradictory assumptions: quiet insider advocacy on the one hand and talking to the already converted in a small fishbowl on the other. Insider advocacy tends to view the country as irredeemably conservative and asserts that the best we can do is sneak through policy changes clothed in conservative arguments. It places a premium on relationships with the powerful. The fishbowl approach assumes the country is already converted to a progressive worldview and the only thing in our way is a bankrupt leadership. And this approach spends as much time attacking close ideological neighbors as it does genuine opponents. Neither of these views is accurate nor is either likely to lead to transformative change. What we need is organizing and movement building that recruits new people, shapes their understanding of the world, wins hearts and minds, and creates opportunities for them to take action. This kind of organizing is different from simply running electoral mobilization programs or “call your Congressman” campaigns, though both can be important tactics along the way.

The die is not cast, and despair is not an option. We can still achieve major, transformational changes in our country. What the President and Congress do matters. What we do matters more.

Join us today.

Where do we go from here? Chaos or Community?

Posted by reveugene at 22-Jan-2010
Dr. Martin L. King said that "Depressed living standards for Negroes are not simply the consequence of neglect. They are a structural part of the economic system in the United States."

President Barack Obama reasons that bailing out banks, insurance companies and auto manufactures is necessary because of structural inequities in the economy. Obama tells African Americans that assuming more personal responsibility is the answer to their collective predicament.

Obama does not seem to understand politics 101. He is in a 2 year election cycle not a 4 year cycle. Mr. Obama suffers death by 1000 cuts consequently.

President Obama's decision to abandon his electoral base is a tragic mistake. Mr. Obama should not assume that throwing his base a few political bones late in the game will be enough to energize his base. Nor will eloquent oratory be enough. He batted zero for two using his eloquent oratory strategy in New Jersey and Massachusetts.

Obama's decision to put Timothy Geithner and Larry Summers in charge of fixing America's banking crisis amounts to putting the fox in charge of the chicken coup. Geithner and Summers were significant contributors to America's banking collapse. Mr. Summers, Alan Greenspan and Robert Ruben thwarted Brooksley E. Born's efforts to regulate the derivatives market when she was head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. The world's economy collapsed as a result.
 
Fissures will continue to arise within the Democratic party. Good Republican ideas will be ignored. American living standards will continue to erode.

Deepak's Bhargava's solid analysis unfortunately repeats some of Obama's mistakes. African Americans interests are ignored. African Americans voted for Obama in record numbers. Any strategy that does not have strong, equitable African American contributions will ultimately fail. African American interests will continue to suffer if they fail to reconcile their interests with other impacted constituencies, liberal and conservative.

President Obama has to address structural inequities facing African Americans. CCC must include African Americans in its organizing and policy work. African Americans' have personal responsibility for compelling both to do so.

Where do we go from here, chaos or community? Its our choice.

 

 

Chaos or Community

Posted by DebraG at 25-Jan-2010
Well said, Rev Eugene!

progressives need to learn to do politics

Posted by KathyPartridge at 25-Jan-2010
Great perspectives from Deepak Bhargava here.

Progressives are understandably disappointed that 2008 didn't bring sweeping change, but too many of us are sitting it out, rather than getting smart about doing politics. Holding out for perfection (single payer and/or public option for instance) is the enemy of the good (passing health reform with some valuable provisions, and importantly creating momentum for more reforms). Our movement needs to get smarter and play hardball -- mostly importantly through the broad, values-based grassroots organizing advocated here.

Racially Just Education

Posted by justice at 30-Jan-2010
When Deepak Bhargava asks: Where do we go from here? We at Justice Matters agree with the three issues he lists as priorities for the progressive movement; health care reform, economic crisis, and immigration reform. But we think there is one CRITICAL issue missing: Education. Today's public education system is failing poor students of color across the nation as a result of No Child Left Behind (NCLB) policies. The statistics alone tell you the tragic story:
 Graduation rates for Black and Latino students in 2006 was 51% and 55%, respectively, according to a recent study by the Advancement Project,
 Since NCLB was signed into law in 2002, 73% of the largest school districts in the country experienced declining graduation rates.
 Unemployment among Black high school students who were pushed out of school (16-24 year olds) stand at 69% while unemployment among Latino youth is 47%.
 One in five Black male students who were pushed out of high school ended up in prison according to a recent study by the Center for Labor Market Studies at Northeastern University.

These are only a few of the statistics that show the impact of how the public education school system is failing poor students of color. And now the Assistant Secretary of Communications for the U.S. Department of Education, Peter Cunningham, recently said that "education has been corrupted" by NCLB policies that emphasize standardized testing over a comprehensive curriculum.
 
 Might this be a moment of truth within the Obama Administration --even if the hopes of both parties is to use the NCLB reauthorization as a moment to show bipartisanship transcending politics as usual? Education is one of the issues we must commit ourselves to if we are seeking transformational change. It is really up to us.
 
 So where does this leave us?
  
 At Justice Matters we believe that public schools can be different from what they are today. Education policy that integrates racial justice values and is rooted in a community arts and vision can serve poor students of color best. This means a commitment from the local school districts to embrace what students of color specifically bring to school -their cultures, languages, families, ideas and ways of being and knowing in the world.

Schools must move from implicitly embracing white, middle class culture and values to explicitly embracing all cultures and social justice values. We also believe that parent and community involvement is crucial to the success of the schools. The Real Schools Now Campaign in Richmond, California is working hard to achieve these goals. Just last year, by organizing parents, families and teachers, the West Contra Costa Unified School District passed a resolution that incorporates a racial justice perspective on education.
 
As a leading voice on racial justice in education, Justice Matters is also launching a campaign "Rethink. Reclaim. Rewrite. A Racial Justice Alternative to NCLB" to reframe the national debate on education reform. While there is much talk about education reform and change, the fundamental flaws and inequities continue in our public education system. We need to join together and push the Obama Administration to address issues of racial and social injustice and think transformative about the administration's approach to education reform.
 
The solutions are there, as Deepak says in his commentary "The die is not cast, and despair in not an option. We can still achieve major, transformational changes in our country." Along with health care reform, finding solutions to the economic crisis, and immigration reform, we should also seek to transform our collective future by placing education at the top of our agenda.
 
Olivia E. Araiza
Executive Director
Justice Matters
olivia@justicematters.org

Necessary but not sufficient

Posted by getorganized at 01-Feb-2010
I greatly appreciated Deeprak Bhargava's assessment of the present situation and generally agree with his conclusions. But the prescription he offers stops short of what is needed.

One of the central challenges to the progressive and working class movements is to acknowledge and address the fundamental connection between our economic crisis and the underlying political economy of militarism. Working people will make no fundamental progress until we take on the military-industrial complex, which means the military budget and the ideological world view that goes with it.

Unfortunately, Mr. Obama has not just failed to make a break with Wall Street. He has allowed himself to be taken captive by the Pentagon and its policy advocates both inside and outside of government.

Community and labor organizers must integrate their critique of the domestic priorities with a clear critique of U.S. foreign policy objectives and the world view. This is the fundamental lesson which Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. had recognized when he spoke out, not just against the Vietnam War but against the global hegemonic aims of U.S. foreign policy that drives the logic of war.

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